Tag Archives: arvind kejriwal






By Barkha Dutt

(Published in 2016)

Publisher: Aleph

Khidki (Window)

–Read India Initiative—

This is only an attempt to create interest in reading. We may not get the time to read all the books in our lifetime. But such reviews, talk and synopsis will at least convey what the book is all about

    There is an old saying. ‘A reader lives a thousand lives before he dies. The man who never reads lives only once.’ I think the saying fits in quite well in this case as you’ll come across many lives in this book.

    Barkha began working in 1994 for a news show that was originally broadcasted on Doordarshan. Her entry into journalism coincided with the birth of private TV. But, then, why this book all of a sudden? Showcasing India’s fault lines that runs deep and wide. Some of them even go back, centuries. The book is some three hundred plus pages. Where, she has selected certain topics, that have been haunting India for quite some time now. And these topics have even besmirched India’s reputation abroad. Basically she has handpicked issues that she came across during her career as a journalist. And around those issues the book spreads like a Banyan tree, but without any storyline. Hence it is difficult to summarise or even write a synopsis. However, what I’ve attempted here for you is, the trait of the book. Along with its central points that will give a sense of what the book is all about.

    The book spins around issues and the issues spin around Barkha. It has a gamut of aspects—starting right from her childhood, including parents, education, career, enthusiasm and even frustration. But most of the time … it is India’s helplessness. So, not a very superlative narrative for the country I would say. But I guess it can’t be helped. Because, for most journalists the uncompromising tenet is to first broadcast the negatives comprehensively, and beyond that if the time permits a few positive outlines too. Remember by broadcasting achievements you don’t get as many eyeballs as you get by broadcasting disasters. To substantiate the point Barkha quotes a VIP who says—‘India is a country that moves from headlines to headlines.’ Of course sensational ones. 

     The central theme of the book perambulates around, the last hundred years of India. One could call it the not-so-recent as well as the recent events of India. But then, while cruising through the book one does get a stale feeling, as if you’re zipping through some old newspaper columns or an old magazine article in staccato effect. Certain pages get you a feel as if you’re negotiating a long prose, though well described but high on verbosity. And what really keeps you charged during such narrations, are things that you don’t know, and that too, within what you know and also what goes on behind the scene. Many of us know a lot about the Kargil war through electronic and print media. Yet, we may not know, how important a role, late Mr Brajesh Mishra played in solving the crisis. Or we may have heard about Bhanvari Devi rape case in Rajasthan. But we may not know that ‘Bhanvari Devi’ was the starting point in the rape history of India where the other end was ‘Nirbhaya.’ The title covers the following chapters. Where, each chapter appears to be a short book in itself.

    PLACE OF WOMEN:  the chapter is almost like the rape history of modern India. The description below is about Bhanvari Devi and how ghastly.

     ‘Post rape: ‘Back at the police station, she was asked to strip and leave her ghagra behind as evidence. It was past midnight when she made her way home draped in the thin cloth of her husband’s turban.’ she picks the narration from Bhanwari Devi rape case of Rajasthan and links it up with Nirbhaya.

    In between, the lady author also spreads across to other rape cases, that had figured in various headlines during all these years. At times the narration appears as a memoir with a lot of emphasis on the sufferings of Indian women vis-a-vis the unceasing tyranny of the Indian men. Something, that is even otherwise known to most Indians. But then she doesn’t really relay any out-of-the-box suggestions, to at least dampen the malaise. She gives a good account of a lady journalist. Problems she faced while commencing her career. And in all of that, she juggles quite well with the words but the content doesn’t seem to be very uncommon. In certain pages sentences are long. But then they are vivid and to the point. The book has a tilt towards feminism which is quite obvious.

     It’s high on lexicon for an average reader, who might have to Google more often, to keep cruising. Therefore, the target audience is clearly the elite. But shouldn’t books with such historical sparks be, in easy read format? She has dug out some exhaustive statistics on females of India, especially, working women, and their sexual harassment.

    The book has a striking hard cover. The title is appropriate and gets further substantiated by a pin pointing sub title that says—STORIES FROM INDIA’S FAULT LINES. It is well presented in terms of font and flow. But it is still not a very moving book. As it swings between, diverse chapters and the personal memoir and does not have a linear penetrating plot. And it goes on and on. Sure intermittently it has interesting frills. As a messenger she has reported the happenings in the most erudite style, but has not presented too much of her own view points. She also touches upon the Gulabi gang of Uttar Pradesh that once operated in full flow. At places the narration is quite pungent when you compare it with the topic. Chapter deals with women’s issues, especially rape where it also cites three other cases. But then there are no incites or suggestions to solve the menace. She also goes on to describe the methodology of women politicians and about the callousness of women officers who are not sensitive to women’s cause. Superwoman versus supermom is comparison she draws quite artfully.


    This chapter by and large takes you through the sad tale of Kargil War. During the war Barkha was often seen near the the LOC. It was well covered by the channel she was working for, then. I’m sure. She must be carrying evocative memories about it. Such memories don’t die. Rather, you carry them to your grave. In this chapter, she even goes on to describe the role of Brajesh Misra, principal secretary and national security advisor to Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in quite a detail, which you won’t come to know unless you read the book. She even elucidates the role that the diplomats of India played in bringing the war to an end, together with the balancing act of the US. She throws up some good war statistics. But she could have vented her views more ferociously. The chapter has a lot of stuff from ground zero.

    It fleshes out some good war statistics. It also hazily talks about gun configurations. The chapter explicates extensively, about the various wars with Pakistan and even the border skirmishes with China. She mixes the blend of her career and the Kargil war quite efficiently. For the general public doesn’t know what all goes on behind the scene and this is where she makes a killing. Excellent and moving description about martyr’s cremation.

     The sentence that moved me was, ‘And so in Kargil without snow shoes or proper high-altitude gear, Vishal and other first-time troops literally crawled their way up to peaks as high as 18,000 feet, where the temperature slipped to as much as ten degrees below zero to fight for the honour of their platoons and regiments.’


    The chapter covers the gory parliament attack of 2001. It also gives a good account of, the history of terrorism in modern India. In this the lady author covers selected terrorist attacks. She gives a wide coverage of 26/11 Mumbai attack, describes Ajmal Kasab’s episode in detail. And how, in that moment of disaster, communities come together in Mumbai’s Zaveri bazaar. Narration is good and content is extensive. She also sketchily talks about farmer’s suicide. As a true messenger she reports whatever is happening in India. She talks about various issues without any solutions. Then she goes all over and even touches upon Sheena Bora murder case in page 95. She then even adds Samjhauta express and Malegaon blasts. A lot of it is the same and reverberates in your mind as news items of those times. But yes there are some finer points too, which were kept under the carpet, which is interesting. ‘Extremism is a bigger threat than terrorism’ she hears from another VIP.

    But in the ultimate analysis I would ask. If such books even reach the think tank of the dispensation to act upon, or they just get into their personal libraries and sit their as literary accolades. She further makes an important point–200 districts have Maoist movement—India’s red corridor. Where, she richochet’s some good statistics. And gives a good hidden perspective of India, overall.


    She covers Gujarat riots together along with with the rapes that happened in 2002. A lot of it is a recount of recent history. How kar-sewaks were murdered and Muslims were massacred as a consequence of that. But she nowhere blames the media for reporting inflammable stuff. Rather she rarely points a finger at the media. She covers Gujarat riots in great detail but has less to say about the sentiments of the relatives of the kar-sewaks who were murdered in Godara. The narration appears as catchy news reports without author’s own modulation. She talks about the strong points of Indira Gandhi. She covers Babri Masjid demolition too. And compares the trinity– Narsimha Rao, Rajiv Gandi and Rahul Gandhi


    Barkha mentions the minute India released Maulana Masoor Azhar, Omar Saeed Sheikh and Mushtaq Ahmed on 31.12.99 for hijacking IC-814 India turned into a soft state. Farooq Abdullah who was then the Chief Minister of J&K vehemently protested this. She narrates further, ‘the minute we gave in, India became a soft state; an apoplectic Farooq Abdullah, who was chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir during the hijacking of IC-814, would tell me later. He phoned L.K. Advani, the then home minister, to vehemently oppose the release of terrorist.’ … She doesn’t hesitate in exposing India’s weakness. Then she covers the 1st suicide attack of the valley. Even harps about countries spreading terrorism, such as Pakistan and Afghanistan. She of course has a lifelong obsession about J&K and doesn’t forget to talk about Nehru’s background and the birth and growth of JKLF. An interesting point that she makes is:

    ‘A month later in September, the prevaricating Maharaja Hari Singh made an offer of accession to India for the very first time. Nehru stunned him by making the deal conditional on the release of Sheikh Abdullah from jail. The maharaja refused.’ She also goes on to describe Patel’s conversation with Nehru. And of course she has described J&K’s constitutional history quite well and has also dealt with the malaise of Kashmir in detail.


    The chapter is full of anecdotal tales which the readers would love reading. It covers lady author’s encounter with various national and international leaders and even there close relatives. Where, it starts from Priyanka, Raga (Rahul Gandhi) and even Robert Vadhra. Barkha is curt and brusque when she wants to be. She compares Modi with Gandhis only to say, ‘Modi was determined to overthrow the political royalty of the Gandhis. He was a citizen who had come to take the kingdom.’ She disparages Raga, who had the luxury of several years of authority without any responsibility. But he neither became a minister in the government nor took charge of the party.

    She then goes on to describe the sum and substance of Arvind Kejriwal and at one point even draws a comparison between him and Raga. Both are youthful men, in their early forties—where, Arvind is acutely educated, and has a self achieved track record.

    Another interesting point that she makes is about Indira Gandhi under whose leadership Congress as an institution collapsed. She then spreads across to various political leaders of India and their parties. Her description about Mani Shankar Aiyar is engrossing. And there is a good compilation of political barbs. And of course how could she leave out Dr Manmohan Singh. L. K. Advani couldn’t have been left out either with his stories about Babri Masjid and his visit to Jinnah’s grave.

    The interesting comparision she draws is in between the ‘Chaiwala’ and the ‘Mufflerman’ (Namo and Arvind Kejriwal). Talks about ‘Achhe Din’ and ‘Make in India.’

    She opines about Modi, ‘I have always felt, in the many years that I have observed him, that Modi’s ambitions are personal not ideological.’

    I personally feel her overexposure to the affairs of Pakistan and Kashmir in some ways narrowed her journalistic prowess. She got branded. And that reflects in the book also. But then exposure is not always in your hands. She covers Nawaz Sharif and his delegation in the US, and his calling Manmohan Singh a ‘Dehati Aurat.’—that she clarifies.

    She talks about AAP party at length and the anti corruption movement.


    This chapter flows all over. It has no direction or plot. Whatever she felt … she has written about. And is quite a contrast to the previous chapters. I guess she wanted to close the book now. India is prone to disasters, so she talks about the Nagapattinam Tsunami of 2004, in Tamil Nadu which she had covered. She describes Ambedkar’s conversion ceremony to Buddhism. Where, she doesn’t forget to remind what Mahatma Gandhi had to say about conversion

    ‘I am against conversion, whether it is known as shuddhi by Hindus, tabligh by Mussalmans, or proselytizing by Christians.’

    Then she covers certain topics that had made it to the headlines. She of course digs into the history of India and fetches out things she had not come across in her career. She describes the pliant middle class of India. Talks a bit about the Modern School, where she had studied. Remembers, the Mandal agitation of 1992, and also brushes past IPL, Sunanda Pushkar and even Lalit Modi.

    Overall, a valuable read. Only if you’re interested in knowing how India operates or rather how the government of the day operates.


Synopsis by Kamlesh Tripathi




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By Kamlesh Tripathi

aap party arvind kejriwal manish sisodia

     The sweet simple junta of Delhi voted for the duo of Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia, thinking, ‘idealism’ was their totem-pole. They initially projected to the people of Delhi they had come to serve, sans perks, lal batti and corruption and in fact they sounded loud opprobrium against parties like Congress and BJP who were after power and corruption. But today AAP is cheating the hapless public of Delhi by going back on almost all parameters of ‘idealism’ and now they want a hefty salary increase of 140%. Kejriwal should visit all the mohalla sabhas and seek permission from the junta of Delhi whether this increase is justified, for this is how AAP party works for all their major decisions.


Kejriwal, Stop This

Delhi’s AAP government came in on a wave of idealism. However; it is now trying to raise MLA salaries from the current Rs 88,000 per month to Rs 2,10,000 per month. Such a hefty hife, amounting to a 140% raise, is outrageous. Has the AAP government , in the six months or so it has been in power, raised incomes in Delhi by 140% for MLAs to deserve this much of a hike?



New Doc 26_1

If the TOI news is correct: Let us face it, this time Jitender Singh Tomar was able to fool both the voters of Delhi and Kejriwal with his fake degrees. And, Kejrwal out of sheer shame is not sacking this fraud minister otherwise it will tell on #AAPs due diligence process. And, I guess this is another reason why #Prashant Bhushan and #Yogendra Yadav were shunted out because they must be objecting to such candidates.

But Kejriwal should very well know that a ‘man is known by the company he keeps.’

And voters if this fraud minister Jitender Singh Tomar comes for vote next time just boo him out.




    Probity has always been the hallmark of public life. As a result of which it has always been bracketed as a ‘domain ideology’ suiting a certain section of the society. Therefore, it always required the platform of an ‘ideology’ from where it could operate with probity being, it’s chastity belt.

    This gave the world many ideological terminologies such as Communist, Marxist, Socialist, Capitalist, Secular, Rightist, Leftist to name a few. Almost, like poster signs for various sections of society to choose and follow. And, individual add-ups of these manifested as political parties flagging their brand of ideology. It was therefore difficult to swim through politics without ideological waters until sometime back. But the scenario is now fast changing.


Yes, and if I were to say the genesis of traditional ‘ideology’ in politics has become the nemesis of Indian Politics today. I won’t be wrong. Because the heart-throb, of Traditional Indian Politics, the so called the ‘isms’ that behaved as attractive flag-posts such as Communism, Socialism, Capitalism, Secularism to name a few have slowly vaporized into thin air. The pledge to ‘serve’ has transformed into ‘somehow rule.’ The competencies and prowess required earlier to stay afloat in politics too have changed to winnability, glamour, backstabbing, chamchagiri and of course criminality.


Traditional politicians, who still delve deep in rooted ‘isms’ may lose out to the new wild card entries. As, in the present, a courtship with politics is deemed fashionable only if it is flirting with those political parties, that are high on political libido.

Glaringly in the case of Delhi elections, and that too specifically in BJP. Where, Kiran Bedi was made to paratroop as a CM candidate. Leaving the entire cadre of BJP high and dry. Turncoats like Krishna Tirath, a dalit leader and former union minister who when out of power walked into BJP shamelessly, as if poached like a sitting duck.

But the craziest of all was the induction of dalbadlus like Shazia Ilmi into BJP. Who until a year back was a staunch supporter of AAP. But when it did not suit her, on some flimsy grounds, she left the party. Ostentatiously, exhibiting that she didn’t believe in any moral ‘isms.’ And what was more surprising was her entry into the number one, national ruling party BJP. Just because she happened to be a local glamorous Muslim face. BJP not only didn’t shirk in inducting her but also made her a front line canvasser. Thereby, in many ways announcing ‘isms’ don’t matter anymore. What shockingly matters is the ‘wining of elections’ says a desperate Amit Shah- BJP Head.


The complexity of present day politics, demands talent of poaching which is more of a lift-off from the ever old corporate inc. Where domain experts are hired laterally to serve certain specialized skill-sets. But there also, in spite of intense competition, corporate professionals don’t forget the salt of the previous company. Unlike poached politicians who spew venom at their previous mentors, and that reminds me of Shazia Ilmi and her tirade against Arvind Kejriwal. That was bereft of any moral standards, and also Kiran Bedi’s out of turn and unwarranted comments about Kejriwal. So does this exhibit the final nailing of ‘isms’in the coffin?


Some political parties are moving at a pace at which the Indian voter is not moving, and that may take them, to a disconnect with the voters; and there lies the caution.

For make no mistake, at the fall of many ‘isms’ rises the ‘ist’ the ‘anarchist.’ Whose muffler takes on the ten lakh name emblazoned suit. So are ‘isms’ converting into ‘ists’ is what we have to wait and watch?





Arvind Kejriwal had quit as Chief Minister of Delhi, just after 49 turbulent days of taking charge. Putting the blame of his Government’s demise on Congress and BJP, whom he accused of colluding to thwart Aam Aadmi Party’s efforts to get Jan Lokpal Bill approved. Even if the intention was noble, it backfired on him. As, now many call him an escapist or even a Bhagora.

He announced his resignation, screaming victimization, without realizing Delhi is a city of doers and achievers. Who don’t give up so easily even if it happens to be corruption. Therefore, he was found wanting in the skill of ‘power-struggle’ and a complete non-starter in managing a coalition- considered so vital in politics. So one can say, the speed with which he rose was fast, but the direction was wrong, and as they say direction is more important than speed, so he came crashing down. This brings us to an important analysis about Kejriwal himself.

Whether Kejriwal is a man for all seasons or only for the ideal season? Popularly referred as ‘Mufflerman’ juxtaposed to a common man. But mufflers are only seasonal, perhaps he did not realize this; else, he would have preferred himself to be called as a ‘Kurtaman’ implying –man for all seasons, even before the typecast kurtas of Narendra Modi made waves nationally.

That apart, his ostentatious resignation now becomes his own nemesis. Owing to his lack of political acumen, for which the public of Delhi should forgive him as he is not an outright politician. He came and he conquered but couldn’t hold on to his success- perhaps ill at ease. Today, he crowds the streets of Delhi to seek pardon for his self forced resignation from the public. But, whom all, will he try and convince about his noble intentions and who all will even believe in him.

For he blundered even further, by jumping into the general elections. Thereby opening another front before closing the important one at hand-Delhi. Perhaps, he didn’t believe in, one in hand. And this gave him a very untidy look in the shelf of politicians. Or, was it the case of him not being able to handle success. Which could be termed as an operational deficiency, or a case of simple greed. Trying to amass Pan-India political power in an abrupt fashion, even when he was both on the right side of age and providence. And defying his party colleagues at all stages exhibits the dictatorial streak in him.

Voters may have a short memory, but a voter doesn’t. So Kejriwal now needs to repackage his old distillery with some new wine. And the muffler-man needs to quell certain anxieties of his voters, and not remain in the muffler forever. Rather come out of it. In the next ten days he should assure the people of Delhi on the following points:

Because, unless he clarifies  he may not win the election.

  1. Will he form a coalition government? And if he forms, and becomes the Chief Minister, will he be tempted to resign again if his Party’s agenda is not supported by the coalition?
  2. Will he form a coalition government only if he becomes the CM or will he support a party in forming the government; and whether it will be blanket support or issue based.
  3. If he doesn’t get a majority what will his role be as an opposition party- Staging dharnas or pursuing issues of public interest, and which are those issues?
  4. If he sits in the opposition what are the key deliverables he would like to extract from the ruling party.




This prestigious contest, for the coveted seat of Delhi sounds the bugle of a changing India. For Indian politics in the last 24 hours has moved an eon after Kiran was declared as the Chief Ministerial candidate for BJP. What India is now witnessing is a political contest of an ideal nature and that too between the two of India’s most upright and daring bureaucrats, and Ramon Magsaysay Awardees. And, it will not surprise me if both behind the scene would sigh a relief for having succeeded in bringing in, persons of substance in their own form into Indian Politics, albeit from different political parties. It doesn’t matter who wins or who loses as they both win in ideology and with them Anna Hazare, along with the people of India. As the citizens of India always longed for persons of substance in the Indian polity. For politicians like Kiran and Kejri alone in the long run can die-cast the party’s mindset for a triumphant India.

Let us for a moment forget Kiran and Kejri belong to rival parties. But their earlier journeys have been through the same UPSC campus, followed by the same corrupt corridors of power that they detested and found solace in the platform of India Against Corruption. Where, they were mentored by social activist #Anna Hazare; and so their commonality of cause and conscience may not diverge or dilute that soon. That apart, it should even be a proud moment for Anna Hazare. As two of his most ardent supporters and persons of substance and tall Indians are locked in a Herculean battle to set right the capital of India.

While Kiran a 1972 IPS officer and a Ramon Magsaysay awardee, always had that rare streak of dare for the right cause. Valiantly exhibited during her active service and post service life. Kejriwal, on the other hand is a former IRS officer and an IITian, again a Ramon Magsaysay awadee, for Emergent Leadership recognizing his involvement in a grassroots movement (Parivartan) using Right-to-Information legislation, against corruption. Truly a man of conviction.

Indian voters always cribbed about decent gentry not entering the political fray and cursed the Goonda Raj plaguing the power corridors of India. But with the entry of Kiran and Kejri in the political mainstream the bench strength of ethical politics will only move north and might just save India from ethical holocaust. As under any circumstances these two will only up the ante for good governance and anti-corruption. However their competence at the CM chair is something we will have to wait and watch.

And out of the ‘Acchey Din’ that PrimeMinister Narendra Modi promised India. This is one of the most significant ones that goes unnoticed. For, he has brought in Kiran to challenge Kejri. To only raise the standard of governance.

Between Kiran or Kejri who will win I don’t know, but Prime Minister Narendra Modi with his out-of-the-box thinking has made India win. And for the traditional politicians: start becoming a ‘person of substance’ if you don’t want to be overtaken.